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Fighting against Homophobia is Every Human
Rights Activist's Business
A Talk with Sasan Ghahreman
Arsham Parsi
Translated by Ava
Would you please
introduce “Sasan Ghahreman” to Cheraq readers?
Allow me to repeat what appears at the end of my third novel
We Didn’t Tell the Children: I was born in Farvardin
(March-April) of 1961 in
Mashhad. Went to elementary school in
Mashhad, Mozdooran (a
military outpost between Mashad and Sarkhas), and Tehran; throughout
my high school years I was a resident of Oroomieh. In this period
(1974 -1979) I worked as an actor, playwright, and director in
Khane-ye Farhang (Art and Culture Ministry), and Kargah-e Namayesh
(National Radio and Television Broadcasting of Western Azarbaijan).
This is where I first started to write, in the form of short
stories, poetry, plays, screen plays and short interludes. In 1979 I
began my studies initially in political science and eventually in
theatre arts in University of Tehran. My studies were interrupted by
the closing of the universities and remained incomplete. In the
spring of 1983 I left
Iran
and have been a resident of Canada since the summer of 1984. Today I
write, sing, manage the publishing house, Nashr e Farda and
edit the bilingual online monthly publication Gozaar.
In Iran and in migration, as mentioned in [Bahram Ebrahimi’s]
Workaholic, whether by force or choice I have occupied myself
with various different trades and occupations, including carpentry,
nursing, working as a postman, parking lot guard, public relations
manager of two distributing and telephone companies, all beside
publishing books and journals. I have published three novels (Fault,
Café Renaissance, We Didn’t Tell the Children), three poetry
collections (Green, Color, Twelve Narratives of Death), and a
collection of critical essays. I have published and edited an
academic book for the teaching of Farsi language and literature. I
have acted in about 30 plays and directed about 5 or 6. I have a
screenplay and a number of plays and short stories in my portfolio
as well, and I have been working on a novel by the name of Coma
in the last few years.
Is Sasan Ghahreman a
human rights advocate, a writer, or a political activist?
Perhaps before all these, I would still have liked to be an
actor on stage. Since I first became acquainted with theatre in my
youth, I saw my whole future on the stage. I was also writing at
that time. When the revolution happened, I was 18 and a professional
actor in both senses; I had the experience and I was also gaining an
income from it. But the revolution made me a political activist and
took me to the realm of politics, and from then on politics became
an important part of my life. With that came emigration and writing
became my occupation. Although that was only in one sense since I
was not able to rely on it as a source of income. So I was forced to
look for other jobs, to break the curse of the breadwinner. In these
years of immigration or exile, theatre has not abandoned me; or
rather I have not abandoned it. Ultimately all these faces exist
within me to some degree and I in them; it is in them that I exist.
But maybe there is another way to respond to this question:
political activism in the form of party politics and participation
in political groups, that I have abandoned for years. It is not my
kind of work. It isn’t my cup of tea. But as a writer or artist, how
is it possible not to be a human rights advocate?
How does Sasan
Ghahreman define “human rights”?
“Human rights” needs to have a clear definition; that human
beings, of whatever color, race, ethnicity, nationality, culture,
sexuality … must be free and equal to live a lifestyle of their
choice, without harming or diminishing others. They must be given
the same rights granted to the rest of civilization for the
promotion of growth and development. One could leave the definition
at that or expand on each point; speak of democratic rights,
employment rights, education, travel, choice, love, etc. There was a
time when concepts such as “freedom” and “human rights” existed
separately from, and even clashed with, concepts like “democratic
rights” and “political independence”. At times one was priority over
the others. But I believe that “human rights” is based on and rooted
in all these concepts, and we must not allow political games,
slogans or other forces of division to limit its definition. “Human
rights” means the humanity of humanity. Life. Air.
Based on this, should
we recognize the rights of Iranian queers as human rights? I ask so
that we can direct our discussion to this topic.
Well, of course. That is natural and clear. I understand your
reason for asking this question. There are many human rights
advocates who are, unfortunately, still preoccupied by the drawing
of lines. In my opinion this attitude is rooted in two incorrect
assumptions. First, it is a continuation of the same old “if”s,
“but”s and classifications that divide people in to different
categories and with it their needs and rights. There was a time when
we said “let’s achieve political and economic independence first,
then we’ll fight for freedom” (or the optimists among us thought
that freedom would be gradually achieved on its own). Even while
women were being aggressively intimidated and assaulted by slogans
like: “either hijab or a bash on the head”, there was still talk of
“first…”. There was always a priority to be addressed “first”, and
because of that many other issues were sacrificed. Even today some
human rights activists value certain rights more than others,
depending on which social group they are applied to. I have seen and
heard that even you defenders of queer rights sometimes try to
present statistics to show, for example, that about 7% of any
society is made up of homosexuals, so you may use the statistic to
draw people’s attention to the rights of this population group. This
method may be necessary for a society that is relatively lacking in
terms of human rights awareness. But human rights are the rights of
every human being, any human being; whether 7% or 0.001%. A woman
amongst men, a man amongst women, a homosexual amongst millions of
heterosexuals is still a human being with the same needs and rights.
That person must have the same social conditions desired by all
people in society. The second cause is rooted in antiquated beliefs,
biases and ignorance. And again, we see how many human rights
activists, writers, artists, journalist, etc still see homosexuality
as a deviation and a sickness and therefore do not recognize the
full "human" rights of the queer community. We face challenging
circumstances and difficult work. I say "we" so as to clarify that
it will not only be women fighting for women's rights, only Kurds
fighting for Kurdish rights, only homosexuals fighting for queer
rights. These barriers must be lifted from the path of our social
development, our "human" development, by all of us. We must do it
together.
So in your opinion,
this mentality explains the lack of initiative shown by many
human-rights activists in relation to queer rights; despite the fact
that many of these individuals have taken active part in countless
struggles for the promotion of peace and equality.
Yes. This is exactly what I wanted to point out. Some of these
colleagues still carry with them traditional beliefs when it comes
to these issues; some are still uncomfortable and ashamed to discuss
it! Some say “society is still not ready” for the discussion of
these issues, or they fear cooperation with the gay rights movement
will alienate their own supporters. And if one day some of these
people gain power and influence, they will refuse to grant equal
rights to certain social groups including the queers community. But
“human rights” cannot be partial and one cannot limit its struggle
with “ifs”, “buts” and other exemptions.
Could there possibly
be other reasons to explain their attitude?
Well yes. Perhaps there are other reasons. But in my opinion
these two reasons are the most important. But this is assuming that
these activists act as independent individuals with independent and
clear intentions, not with temporary or personal motivations. In
that case one must look at the activism in a new light.
In your opinion how
homophobia should be confronted?
This struggle has two phases. In phase one, it should be
addressed in the same way we must struggle against any prejudice in
society based on a mentality of “majority/minority” and
“self/other”. In phase two, one must go beyond this and pay
attention to the fact that in many societies, including
Iran,
women for example are not in the majority, or children are given
little importance. In a patriarchal, chauvinist, and classist
society, we must struggle against homophobia in the same way we
struggle against discrimination against women, children, or
immigrants; by fighting tradition, prejudice, ignorance. In general,
we must work on educating and raising social awareness by any means
possible, especially the education of civil society activists and
those who work in human rights, peace engagement, and social
movements. But this issue goes beyond generalization. The struggle
towards awareness demands clear and planned methodology. Like any
other, this movement needs organization, choice of tactic,
structured steps, and a long-term strategy. It must be clarified for
the society what homosexuality is; it must be clarified that blind
traditions lack foundation. In other words, the issue must be broken
down and detached from everything that has categorized it as a
taboo; through education and awareness-raising; by drawing support
from trustworthy individuals in society. By officially recognizing
queer rights and supporting queer rights through a well-planned
social movement that is credible and just. By supporting and
cooperating with other movements. One can learn and emulate from
methods that have previously been used with success by other
movements.
But don’t you think that circumstances in the present Iranian
society are more complicated and the conditions for the steps you
outline are perhaps difficult to achieve? I mean that queers must
struggle on two fronts; educating and attracting support from
activists or other social movements is very difficult for us. The
student movement in
Iran may very
easily sympathize and empathize with the women’s movement or the
labour movement, but it doesn’t respond in the same way to gay
rights.
This is completely correct. It can even be said that
homosexuals must struggle on not two, but many fronts. From family
to friends, from acquaintances to society. And in society they must
struggle with shortcomings of a despotic and reactionary government
on the one hand, with the dominance of tradition and blind
prejudices on the other, and with scepticism, opportunism,
ignorance, and lack of education within collaborating movements on
the other. It is difficult, very difficult, but as Galileo says,
“after all, it turns”, and it won’t be long before the revolution of
the earth becomes a belief upheld by all. Of course this will happen
on the shoulders of pained bodies and streams of blood and countless
agonies. Regardless of the cost, the fact remains that a big section
of the population suffers from ignorance on this issue and a big
section, especially fathers and mothers, families and friends, seek
to close their eyes to the truth. This wall must be lifted only
through awareness, awareness, and awareness. This is a task for all
of us.
The phrase
“degarbashan e jensy” (“queer” in Farsi) is a new phrase this
organization has adopted and put to use. What do you think of this
phrase?
I have heard and read bits and pieces of debates and opinions
about this. I have seen that some have not approved of this choice
and seen it as a way to label the “other”. I believe this is an
honest and valid definition. I mean I think that in choosing this
phrase, you had the collective sense of the term in mind, not its
cultural or natural explanation. In this day and age, homosexuals
are a statistical minority within a society that views
heterosexuality as the prototype, and dominates this belief through
all its political, economic, legal, and cultural laws. I think you
have wanted to use this as a tactic to tell society that
one must set aside the reliance on this
supposed truth and respect the rights of the “other”. It’s obvious
that I, a Middle Eastern immigrant, am the “other” in a society of
white European majority. But I am human and have equal rights. For
the defence of my own rights and that of my fellowmen, I can
identify with terms such as “Iranian”, “coloured”, “Muslims”, or
more generally “non-European”. Whatever term I call myself, I am the
“other” in this society. I guess that you also, before having wanted
to accept your “otherness”, attached yourself to the societal norm
or maybe you saw yourself through the lens of traditional attitudes
and negative cultural connotations. Maybe one could find more
appropriate terms. But your reason behind this choice is valid and I
think it is a good choice in the first phase of the struggle.
When
introducing yourself, you mentioned your work as the editor of
Gozaar. Would you like to talk about this publication? Is your
point of view observed in Gozaar, a journal of human rights
and democracy?
I want to thank you for posing this question. There have
been stereotypes and false advertising spread around about Gozaar
and I value any opportunity to clarify things. Gozaar is a
bilingual publication (Farsi-English) and its general intent is
analysis and commentary on social and human rights issues, including
the exchange of view-points about deepening and spreading democracy
and other related discussions. There have been 15 issues published
to date. During these 15 months, writings by distinguished
colleagues with different points of view have been published in
Gozaar, adding to its reputation. The list of names of those who
have written articles or been part of interviews published in
Gozaar is extensive. It includes Shirin Ebadi, Simin Behbahani,
Eisy Saharkhiz, Masood Noghrehkar, Hadi Khorsandy, Ahmad Sakhavarz,
Abdollah Momeni, Ali Afshari, Akbar Atri, Mehrdad Darvishpour,
Mehrdad Mashayekhi, Mohsen Sazgara, Mehrangiz Kar, Niloufar Beyzaie,
Lili Pourzand, Fariba Davoodi Mohajer, Mahnaz Afkhami, Majid
Mohammadi, Faraj Sarkoohi, Mansour Pouyan, Abbas Maroofi, Arash
Abadi, and many others including you – Arsham Parsi – and other
friends with pen names. We have about half a million clicks
registered monthly on the site from readers across the world, more
than half of them living in Iran who despite government filtering of
websites gain access to the site. Gozaar’s financial source
is part of the budget set aside about two years ago by the Dutch
parliament, through suggestions of Mrs. Farah Karimi, a Green Party
member of parliament, for the expansion of independent Iranian
media. Other media outlets such as Rooz, Radio Zamaneh,
Shahrzad News and Zigzag have been created with the
support of this budget and other non-government European sources.
Gozaar’s budget was paid due to a request by a non-governmental
agency called Freedom House which is responsible for its management
and publication. Freedom House is one of the oldest American
non-governmental organizations working in the fields of human
rights, democracy and freedom, promoting western liberal democracy.
Its founder was Eleanor Roosevelt - one of the earliest founders and
promoters of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the chair
of the United Nation’s first Human Rights Commission.
I find it necessary to mention that throughout
Gozaar’s publication, besides the generosity and support of
writers, journalists, social activists and renowned artists inside
and outside the country, negative advertisement has been spread
about the journal. These advertisements, with an intent to destroy
the publication, have suggested connections between various sources
of Gozaar with Freedom House and Freedom House with the
current conservative government of America, accusing the journal of
endorsing regime change and an attack on Iran. There is no need to
explain that a short and unmotivated look at the published articles
in Gozaar proves the antithesis of these rumours. The goal
and plan of Gozaar has been to provide a platform for
dialogue and exchange of opinion and the publication of differing
views; all of this of course in the framework of respect of human
rights, peace, freedom of speech, and democracy. Freedom House was
established towards the end of WWII to support western democracy in
the face of fascist rulers and to support victims of war from the
time of McCarthyism till today. It has disagreed with the rule of
conservatism and the limiting of freedom in
America
and the world, regardless of whether it is committed by the right or
the left. In general it has been and is an outlet for liberalism and
western democracy. In fact the first publication of Gozaar
coincided with the publication of an open letter by Freedom House’s
Board of Directors addressing George Bush, strongly protesting the
government’s policies in Iraq, the Guantanamo persecutions, and the
threats to individual freedom within America, clearly saying that
“these actions have devalued America’s commitment to democracy and
human rights and disgraced it in the face of the world”. But the
project of Gozaar is not a platform for the beliefs of
Freedom House. It is rather an independent project featuring
dialogue and exchange of views amongst Iranian activists and
analysts, seeking to find solutions to social problems and trying to
build social progress in Iran.
The initial plan was that every issue of Gozaar
would be designed around one particular feature or theme. When it
came to sexual issues and discrimination, we had a piece on Iranian
homosexuals and bisexuals and published an interview with you. Since
Gozaar is bilingual, whether an article is originally written
in Farsi or English it is published in both languages. So it has
been able to have a clear and positive impact by reaching the voice
of Iranian intellectuals, analysts and activists to the ears of
western analysts, sociologists and politicians. From January
Gozaar will no longer be a monthly journal and instead becomes a
website, and our attention will be directed to subjects with respect
to education on principles, conventions and various aspect of civic
society. Naturally in this framework, discussions in the field of
queer rights will find their place alongside other societal groups.
Thank
you. Hope in future issues of Cheraq we’ll see more of your
writing, poetry and short-fiction.
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